When Congress came together in 2023, a powerful far-right Republican faction in the House posed a threat to Washington and President Biden’s agenda.
However, the stubbornness of that group led to Republicans and Democrats forming an ad hoc coalition government that is now close to providing long-awaited foreign military aid and a win for the Democratic president.
The House’s approval on Saturday of funds for Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan despite strong objections from the extreme right showcased a bipartisan approach born out of necessity. This coalition emerged last year to prevent a catastrophic debt default and has regrouped at crucial moments to keep federal agencies funded.
With a slim majority and the far-right’s unwillingness to compromise, House Republicans had no option but to break ranks with their fringe members and collaborate with Democrats to achieve their goals, including supporting Ukraine in its conflict with Russia.
“Look at what MAGA extremism has brought you: nothing,” remarked Representative James P. McGovern, a Democrat from Massachusetts, addressing Republicans on the House floor during the initial steps towards approving the aid package. “Nothing. Not a damn thing. In fact, it has empowered Democrats. At every critical juncture in this Congress, it has been Democrats who have stood up for our country and done what’s right for the American people.”
The instances of bipartisan cooperation are not a model for governing in polarized times. The reluctant collaboration between the GOP and Democrats has only occurred on crucial, must-pass legislation — usually at the eleventh hour after exhausting all other options, making the coalition fragile on less critical bills and divisive social policy issues.
The political landscape strongly discourages such cooperation. The GOP’s partnership with Democrats has put Speaker Mike Johnson at risk of losing his position, making him the second Republican speaker facing a challenge for reaching across party lines, following Kevin McCarthy’s removal last year.
With their legislative authority diminished, the angry far-right now wields the motion to vacate the speaker’s chair as their sole remaining weapon.
“This is a betrayal of America,” stated Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene, the Georgia Republican who has taken steps to oust Mr. Johnson from the speakership, following the vote.
The few instances of coalition governance have unfolded slowly. Mr. Johnson deliberated for months before moving forward with the Ukraine component of the legislation, risking his speakership in the process. It was evident for months that the aid would pass overwhelmingly if brought to the floor, and the landslide vote margins on Saturday likely would have been similar if the vote had occurred months earlier.
“I call it failing through the day to a good conclusion,” said Representative Patrick T. McHenry, the North Carolina Republican who briefly served as speaker after Mr. McCarthy’s ousting. “The frustration lies in the prolonged policymaking process and the excruciatingly long path to an inevitable outcome. It’s long past frustrating.”
Mr. McHenry is not alone in his sentiments. As the bipartisan coalition steamrolls their priorities, those on the far right have grown increasingly frustrated as their own party members align with Democrats to override their staunch opposition.
“There is ongoing frustration at the fact that we are essentially letting the House be governed by Democrats,” remarked Representative Chip Roy, a Republican from Texas. “Every point of leverage has been surrendered in utter failure and capitulation from Day 1.”
While Democrats believe the foreign aid package should have been approved months ago, they find some satisfaction in sidelining the far right.
“They should have been rendered irrelevant long ago,” remarked Representative Steny H. Hoyer, a Democrat from Maryland and former House majority leader. “The issue was that we sent a message of indecisiveness and lack of resolve in America for two or three months. Indecisiveness and a lack of determination to confront an invader, an autocratic invader of a free country. And we also displayed a lack of resolve in Israel’s battle against terrorists.”
Democrats have not achieved all their objectives in the challenging negotiations with Republicans that at times endangered the federal government’s financial stability.
To avoid a federal default resulting from breaching the debt limit last year, Mr. Biden had to agree to spending caps, triggering a spending battle that was only resolved in March. Democrats also had to accept some spending cuts to favored programs like I.R.S. enforcement. However, the spending parameters for the year — including the military aid package — were largely shaped by Democrats, evident in the strong party support in the end.
“I am pleased to see the House finally moving forward to pass this critical legislation, reflecting the package I negotiated and helped pass in the Senate,” said Senator Patty Murray, the Washington Democrat who chairs the Appropriations Committee.
In the case of the funds for Ukraine, Democrats also benefited from strong support from Senator Mitch McConnell, the Kentucky Republican and minority leader, who staunchly backed the financial assistance despite waning support among his fellow Senate Republicans.
Mr. McConnell’s position ensured enough Senate Republicans would support the aid. It also meant that three of the four congressional leaders — himself; Senator Chuck Schumer, the New York Democrat and majority leader; and Representative Hakeem Jeffries of New York, the House Democratic leader — all strongly endorsed the aid to Ukraine alongside Mr. Biden, placing immense pressure on Mr. Johnson to align with them.
The intense push to deliver the Ukraine aid highlighted the limitations of the coalition approach. With Republicans demanding new border security measures as part of any agreement, a bipartisan group of senators engaged in lengthy discussions that produced a proposal in February with significant Democratic concessions to curb border crossings. However, the plan was swiftly torpedoed by former President Donald J. Trump and other Republicans unwilling to relinquish a potent campaign issue.
As the battle over Ukraine funding nears its end, Congress faces a handful of legislative issues this year — a Pentagon policy measure, a farm bill, renewal of Federal Aviation Administration programs, and likely a temporary funding measure through November. Given the divided government, all this legislation will require bipartisan support.
However, with elections looming to determine control of Congress and the White House, much time will be consumed by the parties hurling political attacks at each other, potentially making bipartisanship hard to come by in the months ahead.
