The U.S. Supreme Court today ruled that the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) exceeded its statutory authority when it purported to ban bump stocks by classifying them as machine guns. Although the Court’s decision in Garland v. Cargill does not involve the Second Amendment, it upholds the rule of law and the separation of powers by striking a blow against bureaucratic attempts to impose new gun controls without congressional approval. The bump stock ban is one of several such attempts, two of which faced judicial setbacks shortly before the Supreme Court’s bump stock ruling.
“This decision helps [rein] in an out-of-control federal government that has no respect for the People of the United States or our rights,” said Brandon Combs, president of the Firearms Policy Coalition (FPC). “The President cannot change the law to fit his policy preferences.”
The products targeted by the ATF rule that the Supreme Court rejected are designed to assist bump firing, which involves pushing a rifle forward to activate the trigger by bumping it against a stationary finger, then allowing recoil energy to push the rifle backward, which resets the trigger. As long as the shooter maintains the requisite amount of forward pressure and keeps his finger in place, the rifle will fire repeatedly. The “interpretive rule” at issue in this case, which was published in December 2018 and took effect three months later, banned stock replacements that facilitate this technique by allowing the rifle’s receiver to slide back and forth.
The National Firearms Act of 1934 “defines a ‘machinegun’ as any weapon capable of firing ‘automatically more than one shot…by a single function of the trigger,'” Justice Clarence Thomas notes in the majority opinion, which was joined by five of his colleagues. The definition also covers parts that are “designed and intended…for use in converting a weapon” into a machine gun. “We hold that a semiautomatic rifle equipped with a bump stock is not a ‘machinegun’ because it cannot fire more than one shot ‘by a single function of the trigger,'” Thomas writes. And “even if it could, it would not do so ‘automatically.’ ATF therefore exceeded its statutory authority by issuing a Rule that classifies bump stocks as machineguns.”
For nearly a decade, the ATF “took the position that semiautomatic rifles equipped with bump stocks were not machineguns under the statute,” Thomas notes. “On more than 10 separate occasions over several administrations, ATF consistently concluded that rifles equipped with bump stocks cannot ‘automatically’ fire more than one shot ‘by a single function of the trigger.'” The dissenting opinion by Justice Sonia Sotomayor, which was joined by Justices Elena Kagan and Kentaji Brown Jackson, glides over this illuminating history, which it mentions only in a footnote.
The ATF “abruptly reversed course,” Thomas notes, after a gunman used rifles equipped with bump stocks to kill 58 people at a Las Vegas music festival in October 2017. That horrifying crime inspired several bills that would have banned bump stocks. But President Donald Trump, who maintained that new legislation was unnecessary, instructed the ATF to impose a ban by administrative fiat. Because that approach contradicted the statutory definition of “machinegun” and the ATF’s longstanding interpretation of it, supporters of a legislative ban warned, it would inspire court challenges that were apt to succeed.
Because “the ATF lacks authority under the law to ban bump-fire stocks,” Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D–California) said, “legislation is the only answer.” Noting that “the law has not changed,” Feinstein warned that “the gun lobby and manufacturers will have a field day” with the ATF’s “about face,” which relied partly on “a dubious analysis claiming that bumping the trigger is not the same as pulling it.”
Feinstein was right. After surrendering two bump stocks to the ATF under protest, Texas gun shop owner Michael Cargill filed a lawsuit challenging the rule in the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Texas. Although a federal judge and a three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit upheld the rule, the appeals court reversed those rulings in an en banc decision last year.
“A plain reading of the statutory language, paired with close consideration of the mechanics of a semi-automatic firearm, reveals that a bump stock is excluded from the technical definition of ‘machinegun’ set forth in the Gun Control Act and National Firearms Act,” Judge Jennifer Walker Elrod wrote in the majority opinion. And even if that were not true, Elrod said, “the rule of lenity,” which requires construing an ambiguous criminal statute in a defendant’s favor, would preclude the government from punishing people for owning bump stocks.
That decision clashed with a 2022Â ruling in which the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit concluded that the ATF had followed “the best interpretation of the statute.” By contrast, a plurality of eight 5th Circuit judges agreed that the ATF had violated the plain meaning of the statute. In resolving that circuit split, the Supreme Court endorsed the latter view.
During oral arguments in February, Principal Deputy Solicitor General Brian H. Fletcher conceded that “an expert” can bump-fire a rifle “without any assistive device at all” and that “you can also do it if you have a lot of expertise by hooking your finger into a belt loop or using a rubber band or something else like that to hold your finger in place.” Dodging the logical implication that all semiautomatic rifles are machine guns, the ATF maintained that the additional assistance offered by bump stocks made a crucial difference.
One problem with the ATF’s position was that semiautomatic rifles by definition fire just one round for each “function of the trigger.” With or without a bump stock, the trigger has to be released and reactivated to fire additional rounds.
In an attempt to work around this fundamental fact, Thomas points out that the ATF operated on the misconception that there is a distinction between a shooter moving their finger to pull the trigger and a shooter pushing the firearm forward to bump the trigger into their stationary finger. They labeled the shooter’s initial trigger pull as a ‘function of the trigger’ while disregarding the subsequent ‘bumps’ of the shooter’s finger against the trigger before each additional shot.
Thomas argues that the statute does not specify what kind of human action engages the trigger, whether it’s a pull, bump, or something else. Instead, the statutory definition of a machine gun is based on the number of shots discharged when the trigger is engaged.
The ATF’s workaround led to contradictions in their reasoning. The rule defined ‘function of the trigger’ to encompass not only ‘a single pull of the trigger’ but also any ‘analogous motions.’ This included ‘sliding the rifle forward’ to bump the trigger, which the ATF conceded was a single function of the trigger. This meant that every bump should be considered a separate ‘function of the trigger,’ indicating that semiautomatic rifles with bump stocks are not machine guns.
The ATF argued that a semiautomatic rifle equipped with a bump stock fires more than one shot by a single function of the trigger because the shooter only needs to pull the trigger and maintain forward pressure to activate continuous fire. However, this reasoning would also apply to a semiautomatic rifle without a bump stock, which contradicts the ATF’s position that such rifles only fire one shot per trigger pull.
Another issue with the ATF rule was its interpretation of ‘automatically.’ The statute specifies that a weapon must ‘automatically’ discharge more than one shot through a ‘single function of the trigger.’ Bump firing requires more than a single function of the trigger, as the shooter must actively maintain forward pressure on the rifle’s front grip with their nontrigger hand.
Ultimately, the ATF’s attempt to redefine machine guns through their rulemaking process was found to be inconsistent with the statutory definition. The court emphasized that Congress did not define a machine gun by rate of fire but by how many shots are discharged when the trigger is engaged. This highlights the limitations of regulatory agencies in rewriting laws and underscores the need for Congress to amend statutes to address evolving technologies and circumstances. District Judge Reed O’Connor deemed the rule as “unlawful” and “illegitimate.” According to the FPC’s Combs, the ATF under the Biden administration unlawfully attempted to turn millions of gun owners into felons, but thanks to the efforts of FPC and its members, this evil was defeated.
In another recent Texas case, a federal judge temporarily blocked an ATF rule that aimed to expand background checks for gun buyers by requiring those who sell guns to primarily earn a profit to obtain a dealer license. U.S. District Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk determined that the plaintiffs had a strong likelihood of success in their claim that the ATF had misinterpreted the statutory definition of being “engaged in the business” of selling firearms.
These cases highlight a broader issue beyond gun regulation. The principles of due process, the rule of law, and the separation of powers prevent the executive branch from creating new crimes by distorting statutory definitions in response to political pressures.
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